The Economist explains

What counts as a genocide

By H.J.

EXACTLY a century ago, on April 24th 1915, Ottoman officials rounded up scores of Armenian intellectuals in Istanbul, most of whom were later murdered. What followed is still bitterly contested. According to the official Turkish version, perhaps 500,000 Armenians died, some while fighting alongside invading Russians against Ottoman forces and others as a regrettable side-effect of deportations that were understandable in the context of the times. But many scholars say that 1m-1.5m Armenians died, and that their deaths were a result of a deliberate campaign to eliminate the Ottoman empire’s only sizeable Christian population. Members of the Armenian diaspora want the events recognised as genocide. What marks genocide out from other mass killings, and why does it matter what word is used?

In 1948 the United Nations adopted a convention aimed at preventing and punishing genocide, which it defined as the “deliberate and systematic destruction, in whole or in part, of an ethnical, racial, religious or national group”. Getting agreement on the text involved compromises. Targeting victims because of their class, for example, was not classed as genocide: Stalin would hardly have signed if it meant being held to account for his mass slaughters of “middle peasants” and the like. The timeline below shows just some of the mass slaughters in the past century, including some that have been acknowledged as genocide and some that do not fit within the UN’s definition. The genocidal nature of the slaughter of Rwanda’s minority Tutsis by militias of majority Hutus, for example, is not in question. But Pol Pot’s reign of terror in Cambodia does not strictly qualify, since the Khmers Rouges targeted no particular group. (Article continues below)

The “g-word” has considerable power. If mass slaughter is recognised as genocide when it is happening, it is harder for outside forces to sit idly by. When it is over, official recognition that it was genocide can give the survivors some grim satisfaction. But when that recognition is withheld, whether because of a technicality or political expediency, it can feel like the final insult. And some human-rights activists and legal scholars feel that genocide’s status as the “crime of crimes” sometimes overshadows the horror of other crimes against humanity.

Both Pope Francis and the European Parliament have recently and very publicly described the Armenian massacres as genocide: the pope at a mass on April 12th attended by Armenia’s president, and the European Parliament in a vote three days later commending the pope’s words and calling on Turkey to recognise the killings as genocide, too. The Turkish government reacted with fury. “It is not possible for Turkey to accept such a crime, such a sin,” said the president, Recep Tayyip Erdogan. His foreign minister claimed the pope had fallen for propaganda disseminated by the Armenians who supposedly control the press in his homeland, Argentina. The irony is that Mr Erdogan has done more than any previous Turkish leader to acknowledge the suffering of Armenians under the Ottoman empire: last year he offered his condolences on April 24th. But there are limits to his government’s willingness to face up to—and name—the crimes of the past.

Dig deeper:
Genocide overshadows other crimes against humanity (April 2015)
Should the Armenian massacres be considered a genocide? (April 2015)

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