In many nations, celebrations of the state’s founding event (from the signing of the American Declaration of Independence in 1776 to France’s Bastille Day in 1789) are a time almost all citizens rally together. That is because almost everybody sees the event itself as a moment of heroism and takes pride in its ongoing legacy. But Ireland’s Easter Rising, whose centenary will be solemnly celebrated this weekend, doesn’t quite fall into the category because it still inspires conflicting passions. Why?
The Rising began on April 24, 1916, which was Easter Monday, when about 1,200 rebels took over some of the main buildings in the centre of Dublin, including the General Post Office which became their headquarters. An Irish republic was proclaimed, in defiance of British power, and demanded the loyalty of all Irish men and women. Because the rebels had failed to seize railway stations and ports, the British were able to pour in reinforcements, amounting to 16,000 or so by the end of the week. In six days of fighting, nearly 500 people were killed, about half of them civilians. The British authorities reacted ruthlessly to the insurgency, seeing it as an act of treason against an empire which was battling for its existence against Germany. On April 29th, Patrick Pearse, the leader of the Rising, surrendered unconditionally. All seven signatories of the Proclamation and eight other leaders were executed in early May. The death sentences, more than the Rising itself, triggered a surge of sympathy for the rebel cause and in elections in 1918, the Irish republican party Sinn Fein won a majority of Irish seats (73 out of 105) in the British parliament.
In a long series of events marking the anniversary, which began last year, Ireland’s centre-right government has struggled hard to hold a balance between those who see the Rising as a gallant episode which should inspire further anti-British struggles, and others who are dubious about the Rising itself. In the latter camp are some senior figures in the ruling Fine Gael party, such as former taoiseach (prime minister) John Bruton who think that Irish independence could have been achieved without violence. According to this reading of history, London had already promised self-government to Ireland and it would have kept that vow in recognition of the contribution of nationalist Irish people to the British war effort. But Sinn Fein, then and now, has always insisted that British power in Ireland was incorrigibly violent and could only be swayed by violence.
Today’s Sinn Fein, a partner in government in Northern Ireland and a rising left-wing force in the south, regards all the political arrangements made after the Rising as a betrayal of what it calls the Irish revolution. It is staging separate celebrations of the Rising to underline its view that the ideals of the insurgency have yet to be realised; from their point of view, Ireland’s continuing partition between a 26-county republic and six British counties means that the Rising is uncompleted business. The centenary is also stirring passions in Northern Ireland where the Unionist (pro-British) First Minister, Arlene Foster, called the uprising an act of rebellion against the state that she serves. Among leftist supporters of Irish republicanism, in Belfast and Dublin, there will be particular emphasis on remembering James Connolly, a socialist trade union leader who led a separate force during the rebellion. If this weekend’s commemorations can be conducted with no serious violence and all sides feeling they have had their say, many Irish officials will be quietly relieved.
