Friends in need

XI JINPING’S procession down the Mall towards Buckingham Palace, with the queen sitting alongside in a resplendent gold-roofed carriage drawn by six grey horses, is a scene that the Chinese president will have relished. Never mind that a year ago a state-run newspaper in China had derided Britain as the relic of an “old, declining empire” given to “eccentric acts” to hide its embarrassment over its fading power. British pomp, as laid on for Mr Xi in its full gaudiness during his first state visit to London this week, was relayed at fawning length to television viewers back in China.

Britain is not the only Western country to court China. Mr Xi was welcomed in Washington, DC, last month. The leaders of France and Germany will soon travel to Beijing. Mr Xi is head of the world’s most populous country, second-largest economy and fastest-rising military power.

But China is also secretive and authoritarian. Mr Xi has been harder-line than even his two immediate predecessors, suppressing an emerging civil society, tightening controls over the internet and flexing muscle in Asia’s disputed seas. China’s intentions towards the rest of the world are hard to fathom (they may not even be clear to China itself).

For Britain, and all Western democracies, the dilemma is over how to deal cordially and profitably with China, as they must, while encouraging it to develop in a way that neither oppresses its own people nor destabilises the world. Ostracism would be counterproductive. China is strong enough to go it alone and treating it as an enemy would be the best way to turn it into one. Yet kowtowing is damaging, too, because it encourages China to demand concessions (only to take mighty offence when they are refused) and to think that, with a little ingenuity, it can weaken the Western alliance.

The West thus needs a nuanced policy that includes trade and investment; widespread engagement; and when necessary a readiness to defend its principles and security interests.

On this measure David Cameron, Britain’s prime minister, has failed the test of statesmanship. This week Mr Xi was asked to address both houses of Parliament, an honour normally accorded only to leaders of democracies. He was to be hosted at Chequers, the prime minister’s country residence—again a first for a visiting Chinese president. Organised pro-Xi crowds were allowed to drown out protesters. Given Mr Cameron’s public silence on human rights, his talk of a “golden age” suggests he is subordinating his principles to the lure of China’s gold.

That is a miscalculation. China is sitting on the world’s largest pile of foreign exchange. As its economy slows it is eager for its companies to find opportunities abroad. Britain has them aplenty, whether in financial services or in building infrastructure (at which China excels). It does not have to bow before Mr Xi. As part of the European Union, the world’s largest market, it can wield economic heft by acting with its allies instead of scrambling separately.

However, not all the criticism is well aimed. The idea that Chinese acquisition of stakes in firms (or whole companies) in the West damages the economy is wrong-headed. One eye-catching deal was for China to take a one-third stake in Britain’s first new nuclear-power plant in a generation, possibly leading to the construction of more using China’s own technology (see article). There are grounds for questioning the economic logic of this deal—the power would be bought at guaranteed prices far above current market rates. But if the project is subject to the full rigour of safety and security reviews then there is no reason to think that it will give China a strategic stranglehold on Britain any more than, say, the stake it owns in London’s water supply.

Trading with China is doubly beneficial: both for the British economy and by binding China into the Western system of international rules. More than 150,000 Chinese are studying in Britain; a similar number come annually as tourists. If they return to China with a better understanding that stability and prosperity—China’s oft-stated goals—do not require omnipresent police, thugs and spies, that is all for the good. So it makes sense to facilitate visas and to help train Chinese judges.

Feet on the ground, please

The worry is that the new golden friendship with Beijing will endanger the old “special relationship” with America. China’s assertiveness in its backyard may not affect Europeans—yet. But they have a vital interest in a peaceful, well-ordered world. If China clashes with America, still East Asia’s foremost power, Europe will not be spared the consequences.

So once Mr Xi has gone, Mr Cameron should be sure to talk about the problems in China, not just the promise. He should support America when it challenges China’s claims in the South China Sea. Even better, he could send along a ship.