The trouble with tolerance

“I DON'T support gay marriage despite being a Conservative,” David Cameron told the Tory Party conference last year. “I support gay marriage because I'm a Conservative.” The prime minister had a point: the right value stable homes and emotional commitment as much as the left prize equality. Allowing same-sex couples to marry also seemed typically British in its incrementalism: they had gained the right to enter civil partnerships in 2005.

There was a political rationale for the Conservatives, too. Since becoming leader, Mr Cameron has sought to broaden the party's appeal by softening its hard-faced image. Liberalising the Tory line on gay rights—the party had previously supported Section 28, a law which made it hard for schools to teach pupils about homosexuality—was part of his strategy. The fact that the Conservative party conference cheered his words on gay marriage suggested that the grassroots had caught up. The most electorally successful Tory in the country is Boris Johnson (pictured), London's mayor, who has banned anti-gay advertisements on the city's buses.

Yet the road towards same-sex marriage has become less smooth in recent months. Churches have deplored the idea on moral grounds (see article) and public opinion on the issue is muddier than the government had bargained for. A Populus poll in March showed that 65% supported gay marriage, but a ComRes poll the previous month revealed that 70% believed marriage should continue to be defined as a lifelong commitment between a man and a woman. Phrasing clearly matters.

MPs report that constituents who support gay marriage are not demonstrative about it, whereas opponents campaign assiduously. Even some of the most liberal backbench Tories now fear Mr Cameron's stand is losing more votes than it is winning. And causing plenty of trouble internally: Owen Paterson, the right-wing Northern Ireland secretary, has let it be known that he opposes the reform.

On May 24th Downing Street said that gay marriage would be subject to a free vote in the House of Commons, meaning Tories would not be obliged to support it. Although this was not an explicit U-turn—and the support of Labour MPs should ensure the legislation passes—Mr Cameron had been widely expected to whip his MPs to back the legislation. His decision not to is being portrayed as yet another retreat from a prime minister who buckles under pressure. Nick Clegg, the Liberal Democrat deputy prime minister, also disparages the idea of a Parliamentary “free-for-all”.

The issue of gay marriage has not only crystallised concerns about Mr Cameron's firmness as a leader. It has also revived criticism of his broad strategy. Critics wonder whether he ever really understood why the Tories were so unpopular. Ordinary voters in swing seats such as Bolton West and Birmingham Edgbaston did not object to the party's cultural views—or its indifference to greenery, its authoritarianism, or many of the other things Mr Cameron sought to change. Rather, they doubted the Tories were on the side of working people when it came to bread-and-butter issues such as living standards and public services. In Tory focus groups, members of the public are asked to draw an image they associate with the party. The most common picture is of a rich family posing in front of a big house. Gay marriage will be one of Mr Cameron's nobler reforms. It will not solve his party's image problem.