Europe | Dreams and nightmares

Catalan nationalists protest as their leaders are jailed for sedition

The Spanish Supreme Court imposes long prison sentences on Catalan separatists

|MADRID

“THE WHOLE of one’s life is a dream, and dreams are nothing but dreams.” So says Prince Sigismondo in a play by Pedro Calderón de la Barca, the great dramatist of Spain’s Golden Age, which is currently being revived in Madrid. That was the question before Spain’s Supreme Court in the long-running trial of a dozen Catalan separatist leaders for their role in the illegal referendum and declaration of independence in October 2017. Was their unilateral implementation of a democratic “right to decide” on independence for Catalonia, one of Spain’s largest and most prosperous regions, a mere pipe-dream of political theatre; or was it a conspiracy to break up the country?

The court concluded that it was somewhere in between. Dismissing the more serious charge of rebellion, it found nine of the leaders guilty of sedition and four of misuse of public funds. It sentenced Oriol Junqueras, who was vice-president of the Catalan regional government at the time, to 13 years in jail. Six other former officials were sentenced to terms of ten to 12 years, while the leaders of two separatist mass movements each got nine years. The court found that they had “led the citizenry in a public and tumultuous rising” which prevented the application of law and court decisions. They have been disqualified from public office for similar periods. The court also issued a fresh European arrest warrant for sedition against Carles Puigdemont, the former Catalan president, who has fled to Belgium. An extradition request against him on a charge of rebellion was rejected by a German court last year.

The sentences were greeted with outrage by the separatist segment of Catalonia. In a joint statement, Quim Torra, the current president of the Generalitat (Catalonia’s regional government) and Roger Torrent, the speaker of the regional parliament, described it as “an insult to democracy and a show of contempt for Catalan society”. Street protests began almost immediately in Catalonia. They may become disorderly. The movement’s grassroots plan “civil disobedience” over an extended period. The Spanish government has sent several hundred police reinforcements.

Many abroad, too, may see such long jail terms as harsh. The defendants argued that they were merely carrying out a democratic mandate to seek a referendum on independence. Their supporters say they are “political prisoners” who faced a “political trial”. The International Commission of Jurists, a lobby group, said the convictions for sedition were “disproportionate” and restricted rights to expression, assembly and association.

Those arguments cut little ice with most Spaniards, including the many Catalans who want to remain part of Spain. The cause of independence has never enjoyed clear majority support in Catalonia. The separatists used their narrow majority in the Catalan parliament to ram through laws tearing up the constitution and the region’s statute of home rule. The court found they then used the resources of the Generalitat to organise their “binding referendum” on independence which they used to declare an independent republic. They did all this despite repeated warnings of the illegality of their actions.

In their unanimous verdict, the seven judges of the Supreme Court addressed not just their actions but also the political basis on which they rested them. Far from being unique, Spain’s constitutional protection of the nation’s territorial unity is the European norm, they noted, “No European constitution exists that recognises ‘the right to decide’.” Especially given the chaos triggered by the Brexit referendum, no European national government looks kindly on the separatists’ demands.

Spain’s government is better prepared for the protests than it was two years ago, when Mariano Rajoy, the conservative prime minister, deployed riot police in a heavy-handed attempt to prevent the referendum. That turned into a propaganda gift for the separatists. The Catalan police, criticised by the prosecution for failing to prevent the referendum, are likely to be more zealous in upholding the law. Spanish officials have responded to separatist propaganda, stressing that their country is an advanced democracy committed to the rule of law.

As for Catalan nationalism, it is divided and losing steam, albeit very slowly. A survey in June and July by the Catalan government’s own pollster, the CEO, found support for independence at 44% (and only 35% when other options are offered). A radical fringe is flirting with violence: last month the Civil Guard arrested nine people in Catalonia found with bomb-making equipment. Many nationalists will think the sentences unduly harsh. But the CEO poll found only 9% now support the unilateral road pursued by the defendants in 2017. In Catalonia, “more and more people, including in the Generalitat, want to get on with governing,” according to Jaume Collboni, the Socialist deputy mayor of Barcelona.

The threat of Catalan separation revived long-dormant Spanish nationalism and provoked the emergence of Vox, a far-right party. If the protests are sustained or violent, they may cast a shadow over Spain’s general election on November 10th, the fourth in four years in a country suffering political gridlock. Pedro Sánchez, the Socialist leader, became prime minister in June 2018 in a censure motion against Mr Rajoy backed by the Catalan nationalists. If, as seems likely, the Socialists are again the largest party, Mr Sánchez will seek—and probably gain—the acquiescence of the right to avoid relying on separatist support.

In Calderón’s play Prince Sigismondo is freed from the prison to which his father has condemned him. No such happy ending seems in store for Mr Junqueras and the others. Even when the dust from the trial settles, the problem of Catalan separatism will still be there. Hours after the sentence, Mr Sanchez called for “a new era” to achieve “coexistence within Catalonia” through dialogue and the constitution. That may take a while.

Discover more

Vladimir Putin blames an Islamist attack on Ukraine and America

How to use a disastrous security failure to bolster dictatorship

Why the French are drinking less wine

A younger generation is rejecting old Mediterranean habits