Middle East & Africa | Vote for him or else

After 34 years, Uganda’s president has no intention of retiring

Yoweri Museveni’s security forces ensure he will win an election on January 14th

|KAMPALA

THE POLICE vans on the ferry were a bad sign. On December 30th Bobi Wine, a pop star who is running for the Ugandan presidency, was campaigning on an island in Lake Victoria. Police and soldiers were waiting for him. They stopped his convoy and arrested members of his entourage. They threw tear gas grenades at journalists on the scene, then ordered them to stop using their phones. Mr Wine himself was bundled into a helicopter: the police insisted they were not arresting him, but merely taking him home. “The candidate was restrained,” said a statement, “for holding massive rallies amidst the increased threat of coronavirus”.

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Ugandans will vote for a president on January 14th. But this election has little to do with democracy. Crowds are dispersed with tear gas and bullets. Campaign meetings in the capital are banned. A leading human-rights lawyer has been arrested. The state has shot scores of people dead.

Authoritarian habits are ingrained in the institutions of the Ugandan state. Even so, this election will probably be the most violent since Yoweri Museveni fought his way to power in 1986. His regime is rattled by an opposition candidate, Bobi Wine, a pop star and politician who has become an avatar of youthful discontent.

Mr Museveni is one of Africa’s longest-serving presidents (see chart). Yet the 76-year-old has no intention of retiring—or of being beaten in a fair race. Uganda’s electoral commission has limited crowds at rallies to 200 people because of covid-19. On December 26th it banned any campaign meetings in the capital, Kampala, and in 15 districts for health reasons. This is bad for Mr Wine, as his message, like the virus, spreads fastest in crowded urban centres.

In March he sang that people should “keep a social distance”. Now he addresses crowds of fans, who have become blasé about the disease. Uganda, with the second-youngest population in the world, has registered just 250 covid-19 deaths. Mr Wine is more worried about bullets, like the one that police fired through his windscreen in the eastern city of Jinja. On December 27th, he says, an army truck struck and killed one of his bodyguards; the army says he fell from a car. The next day another opposition candidate, Patrick Oboi Amuriat, was pepper-sprayed by a policeman.

The worst violence was back in November, when Mr Wine was briefly detained for violating covid-19 guidelines. Unruly protests broke out in several towns. Police, soldiers and plainclothes gunmen shot dead at least 54 people; more than a thousand were arrested. Mr Museveni later said that it was legitimate to fire at stone-throwing civilians, even if, on his own count, only 32 of those killed were actually “rioters”. He has since put a son back in charge of Special Forces Command, a feared army unit, in a sign that the hardliners are on top.

Meanwhile journalists following Mr Wine have been tear-gassed, beaten and targeted with rubber bullets. Ali Mivule, a cameraman, says a police commander shouted “collateral damage” before firing a tear-gas canister at his leg on December 27th. Ashraf Kasirye, another cameraman on the scene, was shot in the head and rushed to hospital. He works for Ghetto TV, one of several online outlets that back Mr Wine; the communications regulator has asked Google, so far in vain, to block these channels’ YouTube accounts. A team from Canada’s CBC has been kicked out of the country. Foreign journalists have been stopped from entering at the airport or stymied by ever-changing accreditation rules.

Local NGOs are under threat, too. In October authorities shut down National Election Watch Uganda, a coalition of groups planning to observe the elections. The bank accounts of two of its members were frozen for “financing terrorism”. On December 22nd gunmen burst into a restaurant where Nicholas Opiyo, a leading human-rights lawyer, was meeting three colleagues and one of Mr Wine’s campaigners. They were handcuffed, blindfolded and driven away. Mr Opiyo was released on bail eight days later. Escalating repression may test relationships with Western governments. An American official says the “shrinking of political space” could have “negative ramifications” for future aid and security assistance.

“In previous elections we would see violence either a few days before the polling date or after,” says Crispin Kaheru, an activist. “This time the violence came early.” The opposition is bound to accuse Mr Museveni of fiddling the vote count. But he may not need to, since he has made it so hard for his opponents to compete at all.

This article appeared in the Middle East & Africa section of the print edition under the headline "An undemocratic vote"

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