The Economist explains

Who gets to be in the G7?

The line-up of the club for big economies with democratic values looks out of date

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IN THE BEGINNING there were six. The instigators were President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing of France and Chancellor Helmut Schmidt of Germany. In 1975 they were joined by the leaders of four other big Western industrialised countries—America, Britain, Italy and Japan—at the Château de Rambouillet near Paris to discuss the world economy, at the time beset by unemployment, inflation and energy woes. The addition of Canada the following year made it a Group of Seven (G7). A lot has changed in the decades between Rambouillet and the group’s 47th summit, in Cornwall on June 11th-13th, but one question has been persistent: who gets to be a member of the exclusive club?

Confusingly, group photographs at its summits show nine leaders rather than seven, because the presidents of the European Commission and the European Council also take part. Members are supposed to have two things in common: large economies and democratic values. That leaves plenty of room for debate about who should be included. When its GDP was reckoned to be edging above Canada’s, some argued that Spain deserved a place at the top table, but a decision to let a country in has to be unanimous and leaders like to keep the club cosy. In 1998 it did expand into a G8, with the addition of Russia, which seemed to be on a path to democracy—only to shrink back to seven after Russia annexed Crimea in 2014. Compactness is no guarantee of cohesion, however. A divisive summit in 2018, after which President Donald Trump insulted his Canadian host, Justin Trudeau, and refused to sign the final communiqué, prompted talk of a “G6+1”.

Mr Trump also complained that the membership of the club was “very outdated”. He is right. Back in 1975 those few countries produced 70% of global GDP; their share has since shrunk to some 40%. After the global financial crisis of 2007-09 the broader G20, which includes big emerging markets such as Brazil, China and India, seemed more relevant and representative. Leaders holding the G7’s annual rotating presidency have sought to compensate for the group’s diminished heft by inviting important guests. Emmanuel Macron, France’s president, welcomed many African leaders, among others, to his summit in Biarritz in 2019. In Cornwall Boris Johnson is hosting the leaders of three Asia-Pacific democracies, Australia, India and South Korea.

That may hint at a future for the club. Whether or not it transforms itself formally from a G7 into a D10 (D stands for democracy), shared values in the face of a growing challenge from China and other authoritarian countries could give it a renewed sense of purpose. It helps that in Joe Biden America once again has a president who believes in those values and in the power of alliances. The club still has the potential to set the global agenda—for example, pushing for a minimum global corporate-tax rate. But the experience of recent years is a reminder that, well into middle age and after a few health scares, the G7 cannot take its vigour for granted.

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